The association between adolescent well-being and digital technology use

Reciprocal Relationships between Trajectories of Depressive Symptoms and Screen Media Use during Adolescence

Adolescents are constantly connected with each other and the digital landscape through a myriad of screen media devices. Unprecedented access to the wider world and hence a variety of activities, particularly since the introduction of mobile technology, has given rise to questions regarding the impact of this changing media environment on the mental health of young people. Depressive symptoms are one of the most common disabling health issues in adolescence and although research has examined associations between screen use and symptoms of depression, longitudinal investigations are rare and fewer still consider trajectories of change in symptoms. Given the plethora of devices and normalisation of their use, understanding potential longitudinal associations with mental health is crucial. A sample of 1,749 (47% female) adolescents (10–17 years) participated in six waves of data collection over two years. Symptoms of depression, time spent on screens, and on separate screen activities (social networking, gaming, web browsing, TV/passive) were self-reported. Latent growth curve modelling revealed three trajectories of depressive symptoms (low-stable, high-decreasing, and low-increasing) and there were important differences across these groups on screen use. Some small, positive associations were evident between depressive symptoms and later screen use, and between screen use and later depressive symptoms. However, a Random Intercept Cross Lagged Panel Model revealed no consistent support for a longitudinal association. The study highlights the importance of considering differential trajectories of depressive symptoms and specific forms of screen activity to understand these relationships.

The Impact of Internet and Social Media Use on Well-Being: A Longitudinal Analysis of Adolescents Across Nine Years

Abstract The present research examines the longitudinal average impact of frequency of use of Internet and social networking sites (SNS) on subjective well-being of adolescents in Germany. Based on five-wave panel data that cover a period of nine years, we disentangle between-person and within-person effects of media use on depressive symptomatology and life satisfaction as indicators of subjective well-being. Additionally, we control for confounders such as TV use, self-esteem, and satisfaction with friends. We found that frequency of Internet use in general and use of SNS in particular is not substantially related subjective well-being. The explanatory power of general Internet use or SNS use to predict between-person differences or within-person change in subjective well-being is close to zero. TV use, a potentially confounding variable, is negatively related to satisfaction with life, but it does not affect depressive symptomatology. However, this effect is too small to be of practical relevance.

How do social media use, gaming frequency, and internalizing symptoms predict each other over time in early-to-middle adolescence?

Abstract Background The effects of adolescent digital technology use (e.g. social media, gaming) on their mental health are a major public health concern, but existing evidence is of mixed quality and findings have been inconclusive. Methods Separating within-person effects from between-person effects, a random-intercept cross-lagged panel model was applied to three annual waves of data (T1, T2, T3) on social media use, gaming, and internalizing symptoms among N = 25 629 adolescents (51% girls, average age 12 years, 7 months (SD = 3.58 months) at baseline) in Greater Manchester, England. Results Longitudinal relationships varied by gender, such that more frequent gaming at T2 predicted less time spent on social media use at T3 in girls (but not boys), and more frequent internalizing symptoms at T2 predicted reductions in gaming frequency at T3 in boys (but not girls). There was no evidence that time spent on social media or gaming frequency predicted later internalizing symptoms among girls or boys. Sensitivity analyses that distinguished active versus passive social media use replicated these findings. Conclusions The findings of this study do not support the widely held view that adolescent technology use is a major causal factor in their mental health difficulties.

The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent

The question whether social media use benefits or undermines adolescents’ well-being is an important societal concern. Previous empirical studies have mostly established across-the-board effects among (sub)populations of adolescents. As a result, it is still an open question whether the effects are unique for each individual adolescent. We sampled adolescents’ experiences six times per day for one week to quantify differences in their susceptibility to the effects of social media on their momentary affective well-being. Rigorous analyses of 2,155 real-time assessments showed that the association between social media use and affective well-being differs strongly across adolescents: While 44% did not feel better or worse after passive social media use, 46% felt better, and 10% felt worse. Our results imply that person-specific effects can no longer be ignored in research, as well as in prevention and intervention programs.

20 shared papers

Hall JA Ten myths about the effect of social media use on well-being J. Med. Internet Res. • Dissing AS et al. Smartphone interactions and mental well-being in young adults: A longitudinal study based on objective high-resolution smartphone data Scand. J. Public Health • Beyens I et al. The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent Sci. Rep. • Valkenburg PM Social media use and well-being: What we know and what we need to know Curr. Opin. Psychol. • Panova T et al. Is smartphone addiction really an addiction? J. Behav. Addict. • Heffer T et al. The longitudinal association between social-media use and depressive symptoms among adolescents and young adults: An empirical reply to Twenge et al. (2018) Clin. Psychol. Sci. • Stavrova O et al. Does using social media jeopardize well-being? The importance of separating within- from between-person effects Soc. Psychol. Personal. Sci. • Lawrence D et al. Reciprocal relationships between trajectories of loneliness and screen media use during adolescence J. Child Fam. Stud. • Cunningham S et al. Social media and depression symptoms: A meta-analysis Res. Child Adolesc. Psychopathol. • Hall JA et al. Experimentally manipulating social media abstinence: results of a four-week diary study Media Psychol. • Panayiotou M et al. Time spent on social media among the least influential factors in adolescent mental health: preliminary results from a panel network analysis Nat. Ment. Health • Johannes N et al. Objective, subjective, and accurate reporting of social media use: No evidence that daily social media use correlates with personality traits, motivational states, or well-being Technol. Mind Behav. • Johannes N et al. No effect of different types of media on well-being Sci. Rep. • Meier A et al. Computer-mediated communication, social media, and mental health: A conceptual and empirical meta-review Communic. Res. • Bruce LD et al. Loneliness in the United States: A 2018 national panel survey of demographic, structural, cognitive, and behavioral characteristics Am. J. Health Promot. • Schemer C et al. The impact of Internet and social media use on well-being: A longitudinal analysis of adolescents across nine years J. Comput. Mediat. Commun. • Hall JA et al. Two tests of social displacement through social media use Inf. Commun. Soc. • Hampton KN Social media and change in psychological distress over time: The role of social causation J. Comput. Mediat. Commun. • Steinsbekk S et al. The new social landscape: Relationships among social media use, social skills, and offline friendships from age 10-18 years Comput. Human Behav. • Odgers CL The great rewiring: is social media really behind an epidemic of teenage mental illness? Nature

Social Media Use and Well-Being Across Adolescent Development

Importance Social media’s association with adolescent well-being remains debated. Heavy use has been associated with distress, while abstinence may cause missed connections. Objective To investigate 3-year longitudinal associations between after-school social media use and adolescent well-being using a large longitudinal cohort dataset modeled within a repeated cross-sectional framework. Design, Setting, and Participants This cohort study included Australian students in grades 4 through 12 (2019-2022). After-school social media use was self-reported and grouped as none, moderate, or highest. Well-being was assessed using 8 validated indicators (eg, happiness, life satisfaction, emotional regulation), dichotomized as high vs low. Well-being was assessed concurrently with social media use during the annual school-based survey in each year of data collection. Data analysis was conducted from June to July 2025. Exposures Self-reported after-school social media use between 3 pm and 6 pm (weekdays), classified into 3 categories: none (0 h/wk), moderate (>0 to <12.5 h/wk), and highest (≥12.5 h/wk). Main Outcomes and Measures The primary outcome was overall well-being, measured as the mean score across 8 validated domains (happiness, optimism, life satisfaction, worry, sadness, perseverance, emotional regulation, and cognitive engagement), dichotomized as high vs low (<3 on a scale of 1-5). Secondary outcomes were each individual well-being indicator, similarly dichotomized. Mixed-effects logistic models were used for analyses, stratified by sex and adjusted for demographic covariates. Results The analytic sample included 100 991 adolescents, contributing 173 533 observations (86 582 [49.9%] observations from female participants; mean [SD] age, 13.5 [2.2] years). A U-shaped association was observed between after-school social media use and well-being. Compared with moderate users, adolescents with the highest use had greater odds of low well-being (grades 7-9, girls: odds ratio [OR], 3.13 [95% CI, 2.88-3.39]; boys: OR, 2.25 [95% CI, 1.86-2.72]), while nonusers also had higher odds of low well-being in later adolescence (grades 10-12, girls: OR, 1.79 [95% CI, 1.41-2.27]; boys: OR, 3.00 [95% CI, 2.01-4.46]). These patterns were consistent across survey years and robust to sensitivity analyses. Conclusions and Relevance In this cohort study of students in grades 4 through 12, social media’s association with adolescent well-being was complex and nonlinear, varying by age and sex. While heavy use was associated with poorer well-being and abstinence sometimes coincided with less favorable outcomes, these findings are observational and should be interpreted cautiously.

Reciprocal Relationships between Trajectories of Loneliness and Screen Media Use during Adolescence

Adolescence is the peak period for loneliness. Now a ubiquitous part of the adolescent landscape, electronic screens may provide avenues for ameliorating feelings of loneliness. Conversely, they may act as risk factors for the development of such feelings. Although cross-sectional studies to date have investigated the relationship between screen use and loneliness, longitudinal studies are needed if causal and directional associations are to be investigated. Utilising an accelerated longitudinal design and online survey we collected four waves of data from 1919 secondary school adolescents aged 10–15 years over two years. Random intercept cross-lagged panel models tested whether changes in five types of screen use (i.e., total screen time, social media use, gaming, passive screen use, and web use) are associated with changes in loneliness in the subsequent time-point, or changes in loneliness are associated with changes in screen use in the subsequent time-point. We found significant reciprocal associations between screen use and loneliness, with the strongest associations between social networking and electronic gaming and quality of friendships. These findings highlight that any significant increase in an adolescent’s screen use may be a potential indicator of changes in quality of friendships or feelings of isolation.

Ten Myths About the Effect of Social Media Use on Well-Being

This viewpoint reviews the empirical evidence regarding the association between social media use and well-being, including life satisfaction and affective well-being, and the association between social media use and ill-being, including loneliness, anxiety, and depressive symptomology. To frame this discussion, this viewpoint will present 10 widely believed myths about social media, each drawn from popular discourse on the topic. In rebuttal, this viewpoint will offer a warranted claim supported by the research. The goal is to bring popular beliefs into dialogue with state-of-the-art quantitative social scientific evidence. It is the intention of this viewpoint to provide a more accurate and nuanced claim to challenge each myth. This viewpoint will bring attention to the importance of using rigorous scientific evidence to inform public debates about social media use and well-being, especially among adolescents and young adults.

Social media’s enduring effect on adolescent life satisfaction

In this study, we used large-scale representative panel data to disentangle the between-person and within-person relations linking adolescent social media use and well-being. We found that social media use is not, in and of itself, a strong predictor of life satisfaction across the adolescent population. Instead, social media effects are nuanced, small at best, reciprocal over time, gender specific, and contingent on analytic methods.

Appnome analysis reveals small or no associations between social media app-specific usage and adolescent well-being

The debate on how social media use (SMU) influences adolescent well-being is mostly based on self-reports of SMU. By collecting data and screenshots donated from 374 Swiss adolescents (Meanage = 15.71; SDage = 0.82) over 2 weeks, we created “Appnomes”—app-specific usage metrics on screentime, number of activations, and number of notifications per participant per day derived, and associated them with daily hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. Longer TikTok time predicted lower eudaimonic well-being (β = − 0.08) daily but higher positive emotions (β = 0.06) the next day; longer use of WhatsApp predicted negative emotions (β = 0.06) while more screen activations for WhatsApp predicted greater feelings of connection (β = 0.08). Instagram notification was positively related to increased feeling of focused (β = 0.06) the next day. YouTube screen unlocks predicted more feeling of meaning (β = 0.07) the next day. More Snapchat screentime predicted less relaxed, less competent, and less positive emotions (with − 0.07 < β < − 0.06). Results pointed towards minimal or no effects, challenging the moral panic on the detrimental impact of SMU on teen well-being.

Social Media and Change in Psychological Distress Over Time: The Role of Social Causation

Abstract This article tests the relationship between information and communication technologies (ICT), such as the Internet, cell phones, and social media, and change over time in psychological distress (PD) and risk of serious psychological distress (SPD) associated with depression and anxiety disorders. Using a longitudinal panel design, survey data from a representative sample of American adults, findings revealed that home Internet and social network site (SNS) use are associated with decreased PD over time. Having extended family who are also Internet users further decreases PD. PD increased or decreased in relation to change in the PD of extended family who also use SNSs. For most people, ICT substantively reduce PD; in rare cases, an extreme spike in PD of extended family also on SNSs, there was a trivial increase to the risk of SPD. PD did not change when extended family not on social media experienced a change in their PD.

Smartphone Bans, Student Outcomes and Mental Health

How smartphone usage affects well-being and learning among children and adolescents is a concern for schools, parents, and policymakers. Combining detailed admi

Time spent on social media among the least influential factors in adolescent mental health: preliminary results from a panel network analysis

There is growing concern about the role of social media use in the documented increase of adolescent mental health difficulties. However, the current evidence remains complex and inconclusive. While increasing research on this area of work has allowed for notable progress, the impact of social media use within the complex systems of adolescent mental health and development is yet to be examined. The current study addresses this conceptual and methodological oversight by applying a panel network analysis to explore the role of social media on key interacting systems of mental health, wellbeing and social life of 12,041 UK adolescents. Here we find that, across time, estimated time spent interacting with social media predicts concentration problems in female participants. However, of the factors included in the current network, social media use is one of the least influential factors of adolescent mental health, with others (for example, bullying, lack of family support and school work dissatisfaction) exhibiting stronger associations. Our findings provide an important exploratory first step in mapping out complex relationships between social media use and key developmental systems and highlight the need for social policy initiatives that focus on the home and school environment to foster resilience.

The Longitudinal Association Between Social-Media Use and Depressive Symptoms Among Adolescents and Young Adults: An Empirical Reply to Twenge et al. (2018)

Research by Twenge, Joiner, Rogers, and Martin has indicated that there may be an association between social-media use and depressive symptoms among adolescents. However, because of the cross-sectional nature of this work, the relationship among these variables over time remains unclear. Thus, in this longitudinal study we examined the associations between social-media use and depressive symptoms over time using two samples: 594 adolescents ( M age = 12.21) who were surveyed annually for 2 years, and 1,132 undergraduate students ( M age = 19.06) who were surveyed annually for 6 years. Results indicate that among both samples, social-media use did not predict depressive symptoms over time for males or females. However, greater depressive symptoms predicted more frequent social-media use only among adolescent girls. Thus, while it is often assumed that social-media use may lead to depressive symptoms, our results indicate that this assumption may be unwarranted.

Estimating the association between Facebook adoption and well-being in 72 countries

Social media's potential effects on well-being have received considerable research interest, but much of past work is hampered by an exclusive focus on demographics in the Global North and inaccurate self-reports of social media engagement. We describe associations linking 72 countries' Facebook adoption to the well-being of 946 798 individuals from 2008 to 2019. We found no evidence suggesting that the global penetration of social media is associated with widespread psychological harm: Facebook adoption predicted life satisfaction and positive experiences positively, and negative experiences negatively, both between countries and within countries over time. Nevertheless, the observed associations were small and did not reach a conventional 97.5% one-sided credibility threshold in all cases. Facebook adoption predicted aspects of well-being more positively for younger individuals, but country-specific results were mixed. To move beyond studying aggregates and to better understand social media's roles in people's lives, and their potential causal effects, we need more transparent collaborative research between independent scientists and the technology industry.

#cybersafety #ageverification #privacy #minors #ai | Parry Aftab

Internet Age-Verification Causing More Risks than It’s Worth This is not a new issue. Regulators and policymakers have raised it for the last 28 years as the way the keep kids safer online. They compare it to having to flash an ID to purchase regulated content or items (porn, cigarettes, alcohol, restricted medications, age-restricted movies, amusement rides, etc.) But verification online is very different and vastly riskier than flashing an ID in real life. For one, it’s collecting personally-identifiable information about our kids. For two, it puts that information in the too-often untrustworthy digital hands of tech companies. For three, while porn, alcohol and regulated drugs may be a clear-cut case for restricting access to adults, access to the Internet is very different. Yet, regulations begun in the UK and adopted globally have begun a weighted cybersafety approach that, in my humble opinion, prefers excluding young people from digital technology over teaching the cybersafety and digital life skills. That, in my 32 years of work in the fields of cybersafety and protection of minors online, was and remains a mistake. One of my best known quotes, repeated in Congressional and state legislative testimony and in the media is: “The greatest single risk our children face online is being denied access. We have solutions for everything else.” (my testimony before the FTC) Some proponents of age-verification have opted to denying them access unless they give up confirmable personally-identifiable info, such as selfies, feeding AI with PII, and govt or school credentials. I argue that this gives social networks, game providers and digital app operators a wealth of PII to be used for profiling, marketing and collecting far too much. With their privacy at stake, too often incompetent, malicious and greedy producers and mega-tech industry players, can’t and shouldn’t be trusted with the personal info of our most vulnerable - our kids. And AI will now be tasked with collecting everything it can find about our kids to be able to “age-verify.” (It’s ability to age-verify is less reliable with youth as their data-sets are more limited.) I served on a task force appointed by 49 state attorneys general, charged to research and weigh-in on this issue. We concluded that age-verification wasn’t feasible. While this task force was formed many years ago, with the exception of a fortified AI, not much as changed. Our children’s privacy remains, or should remain, paramount. We have robust filtering and blocking technologies. The adult industry has adopted an age-gated model. And parents can restrict access using device-specific tools. And, many well-intentioned age-verification laws were adopted too quickly for thoughtful discourse. Or by governments more prone to censorship/content restrictions. I fear in our quest to protect our kids we have thrown our babies out with the bath water. #cybersafety #ageverification #privacy #minors #AI